Chem Answers Essay Example for Free

Chem Answers Essay Exercise 1. What safety equipment is available to you while you do your experiments? How far are they from you while you are conducting your experiments?This includes fire extinguishers, phones, showers, etc. The safety equipment that I have access to while performing my experiments are as follows; shower, fire alarms and a telephone. They are all within ten feet from where the experiment will take place. 2. What is an MSDS? MSDS is a document that is required by Osha’s â€Å"Hazard Communication† for all existing chemicals that are currently sold. 3. What can make glassware unusable? Glassware is unusable in an experiment when it is chipped, broken, or cracked. 4. When should you wear goggles in the lab? You should wear safety goggles at all time. 5. How long should you wash your eyes if you get a chemical in them? If you have contact with chemicals in your eye, it should be rinsed for ten minutes. 6. What should you do if your clothing catches on fire? If your clothes should catch on fire during your experiment, you should use the safety shower if you have one. Otherwise, stop-drop-roll and yell or use a fire blanket. 7. How should you heat the liquid in a test tube to a temperature less than 100 C? If you are heating liquid in a test tube to a temperature less than 100 degrees. You should use a test tube holder, clamp and hot water. 8.   What do the following symbols mean? DangerousOxidizerRadioactiveCorrosive ________________ _________________ _______________ ______________ 9. What does each of the small diamonds in the NFPA fire diamond mean? Blue- Health section Red- Flammability Yellow- Reactivity White- Special condition 10. Why should you remove jewelry prior to entering the lab for an experiment? Jewelry should always be removed prior to an experiment. Rings can trap the chemical that you are working with against the skin. Necklaces can dangle and knock dangerous chemical over. 11. What type of clothing should you wear in lab? The type of clothing that you should wear would be; leather shoes, long pants or skirts, sturdy cotton fabric, and older clothes are advised. 12. If your Bunsen burner goes out or you smell gas, what should you do? If you should be working with a Bunsen burner and the flame should extinguish or you smell gas, turn the gas off.

Marxist Theory on Fake News and Media Propaganda

Marxist Theory on Fake News and Media Propaganda Fake News, Propaganda and Media Bias: An illusion of the truth? The internet has revolutionised the way information is presented and consumed. The traditional newspaper, for example, is no longer the main medium of news coverage. This therefore, has meant that mass media, in general, has had to find new ways of creating money. As a result, one could argue, that the ‘news’ is not objective but rather socially manufactured through a selective process. Events happen, but this doesn’t automatically mean that they will make the headlines or the news coverage at all. As a result, one could argue that the media is biased and is altered to represent certain views and ideologies. The concept of fake news and the deliberate misleading and deceptive information presented in the media could take the form of propaganda. As a society we have become more media saturated but are these agencies of communication, we refer to as mass media, transmitting an illusion of the truth? One could argue that the ‘news’ is socially constructed and as McQuail noted, it is not objective or impartial (McQuail, 1998). The reality is that the ‘news’ is socially manufactured as a result of a selective process carried out by gatekeepers : the editors, journalists and proprietors. This leaves room for media bias as the news is essentially influenced by a group or individuals own opinions and judgements. The news is not just simply a collection of facts but rather a collection of knowledge made up of information which is ‘loaded’ reflecting an interpretation. The process of selection, one could argue, is influenced by organizational constraints, values of media outlets and ideology. This links directly to the Marxist theory: that the news is fabricated and is an ideological apparatus which helps maintain power. Media outlets shape the ‘news’ and as a result we get injected, like the hypodermic syringe model suggests, with ideas that may be an illusion of the truth. As Miliband noted the media shapes how we think about the world we live in (Miliband, 1976) therefore if media bias is influencing the news, important issues like poverty, which show weakness in the capitalist system, are likely to be concealed. In contrast, media outlets are constantly providing us with information regarding political, financial and industrial states, for example recently: the benefits of Brexit, which reinforces corporate values. For example, during the EU referendum, media outlets helped broadcast the idea that the  £350 million sent to the EU weekly would be used to help the NHS instead, if voters opted to vote Brexit. However, after the referendum, the Brexit leaders decided to abandon the pledge (The Guardian, 2017). This case clearly demonstrates exploitation through misleading the public, as the NHS was a topic that they felt strongly about. This was a major political change, Marx would argue that the media transmitted the conservative ideology here in the interests of the elite. This could also be classified as a case of propaganda. As Herman and Chomsky noted the media participating in propaganda campaigns is nothing new (Herman and Chomsky, 1988). Taking this into account, one could argue that the media purposefully selected facts â€Å"designed to deceive us† (Brennen, 2017) and encourage Brexit. The media is dependent on the government and businesses as sources of information. These overlapping interests mean there is a certain degree of solidarity between them, as Highfield notes the personal and political are highly interlinked (Highfield, 2016), which means the effect was inevitable. Furthermore, analysing the headlines and news coverage, there seems to be a pattern where certain events are reported more than others, which reinforces the idea that media outlets choose what makes the ‘news’. For example, recently we got continuous reports and headlines which revolved around Hurricane Harvey which had a death toll of eighty-two (Moravec and Moravec, 2017). On the other hand, the floods near Sierra Leones capital, Freetown, Africa were hardly reported, even though the death toll was over three hundred (BBC News, 2017). The ethics can undoubtedly be questioned here, the two events occurred at similar times so why was one reported more than the other? This relates to Spencer-Thomas’s (Owen Spencer-Thomas, 2017) idea of â€Å"news values† where the guidelines for what is considered ‘newsworthy’ come into play. The Freetown floods it could be debated were not as significant as Hurricane Harvey, and consequently didn’t make the headlines. Alternatively, it could be argued that the media is not biased but rather like every other cooperation in society, works within the hierarchal structure conforming to the requirements which bring reward (Curran and Seaton, 2010). Media outlets are businesses essentially thus need people to invest to generate revenue. Therefore, rather than being biased and promoting fake news, it could be argued that media outlets actually focus and tailor the content based on their audiences. For example, Five News is characterized by short, snappy bulletins aimed at a young audience. In contrast, The Guardian has detailed articles which are aimed at more qualified professionals. Furthermore, to succeed, media outlets have now had to intensify media strategies to compete with cybermedia organisations (Williams and Tapscott, 2014). Considering this, it could be argued that media outlets choose the most important stories as a way of fulfilling users’ needs and their own profit interests(Fuchs, 2014), online. This links with the concept of ‘clickbaiting’ which is used by media outlets to attract audiences to ideas which appeal to them.   Postmodernists, would argue that media outlets are a channel to promote consumption rather than propaganda. They tailor and direct certain information towards certain people in the hopes of increasing revenue through advertisements. The increasing diversity of choice, globalisation and social media has resulted in a variety of influences shaping our identities. One could argue, that users are not exploited, as Fuchs notes, users voluntarily choose to use platforms (Fuchs, 2014). Marx’s theory can be criticised for presenting users as passive rather than active participants. The idea that there has been a â€Å"cultural shift away from the self-conscious user towards the subject as docile† (Lovink, 2016) can be debated. The revolution of the internet has meant that people can actively challenge the media, social media has become a â€Å"weapon of mass collaboration† (Williams and Tapscott, 2014). Therefore, it could be argued that fake news is a thing of the past, with social media flooding with different perspectives there has been, as Mason notes, an increase in individual freedom and human consciousness. The evidence lies in the streams of social media comments which critically challenge a piece of ‘news’.   From one perspective, it could be stated that social media has helped a digital revolution to occur where the masses have finally gained a voice and power. Moreover, it could be claimed that people choose which news stories to believe thus fake news can only exist if people allow it to be. Audiences receive and interpret the ‘news’ and as a result, not everyone will be affected in the same way. Consequently, if media outlets are promoting propaganda there is a very small chance that everyone will be misled. People tend to read and seek out information that interests them and confirms their existing views (Festinger, 1962). Taking this into account, one could argue that the media is just a scapegoat for media bias and fake news. The reality could be in fact that media bias and fake news is affected and created depending on a range of psychological and social factors, it may not be bias but rather unconscious nature. Without question, the media plays a major role in society today, whether it be influential or informative. Media technologies may not be the â€Å"contemporary opiates of the people† as Maxwell and Miller (Maxwell and Miller, 2012) suggest but the validity and objectivity of media outlets can undeniably be questioned. The ‘news’ is affected by a range of factors and it is impossible for it to be completely objective. This may not necessarily make it propaganda but rather a certain opinion. Media outlets need to generate revenue and therefore, media bias may be a method of tailoring articles towards audiences rather than intentionally ignoring incidents because of capitalist control and deliberate misinformation. On the other hand, the ‘news’ is essentially a root of information, consequently we should receive an equal coverage of incidents, like Hurricane Harvey and the Sierra Leone floods, so that one incident is not seen as more significant. It could also be argued that media outlets should stay neutral in political campaigns like the EU referendum, as it is very easy to misinform and mislead readers. However, the effect of misinformation can be oversimplified, as seen in the Marxist theory. People are not passive and critically challenge the ‘news’ and even play an active role in providing the ‘news’, as social media has given everyone the freedom to transmit information. The different perspectives, as a result, diminish the effect of fake news and allow us to assemble narratives and interpretations for ourselves. Consequently, there can only be an ‘illusion of truth’ if we allow there to be.    References BBC News. (2017).  Sierra Leone mudslides kill hundreds. [online] Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-40926187 [Accessed 6 Nov. 2017]. Brennen, B. (2017). Making Sense of Lies, Deceptive Propaganda, and Fake News.  Journal of Media Ethics, 32(3), pp.179-181. Curran, J. and Seaton, J. (2010).  Power without responsibility. London: Routledge. Festinger, L. (1962).  A theory of cognitive dissonance. California: Stanford University Press. Fuchs, C. (2014).  Digital labour and Karl Marx. 1st ed. New York: Routledge, pp.254, 257, 280. Herman, E. and Chomsky, N. (1988).  Manufacturing Consent. New York: Pantheon Books. Highfield, T. (2016).  Social media and everyday politics. [S.l.]: Polity Press, p.3. Lovink, G. (2016).  Social media abyss. Cambridge, UK: Polity, p.5. Maxwell, R. and Miller, T. (2012).  Greening the media. New York: Oxford University Press. McQuail, D. (1998).  Mass communication theory. London: Sage. Miliband, R. (1976).  The state in capitalist society. London: Quartet Books. Moravec, E. and Moravec, E. (2017).  Texas officials: Hurricane Harvey death toll at 82, ‘mass casualties have absolutely not happened’. [online] Washington Post. Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/texas-officials-hurricane-harvey-death-toll-at-82-mass-casualties-have-absolutely-not-happened/2017/09/14/bff3ffea-9975-11e7-87fc-c3f7ee4035c9_story.html?utm_term=.5439927dfcdc [Accessed 6 Nov. 2017]. Owen Spencer-Thomas. (2017).  News values Owen Spencer-Thomas. [online] Available at: http://www.owenspencer-thomas.com/journalism/newsvalues/ [Accessed 6 Nov. 2017]. The Guardian. (2017).  Brexit camp abandons  £350m-a-week NHS funding pledge. [online] Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/sep/10/brexit-camp-abandons-350-million-pound-nhs-pledge [Accessed 10 Sep. 2016]. Williams, A. and Tapscott, D. (2014).  Wikinomics. New York: Portfolio, p.3.

Direct and iterative method

Direct and iterative method INTRODUCTION TO DIRECT AND ITERATIVE METHOD Many important practical problems give rise to systems of linear equations written as the matrix equation Ax = c, where A is a given n Ãâ€" nnonsingular matrix and c is an n-dimensional vector; the problem is to find an n-dimensional vector x satisfying equation . Such systems of linear equations arise mainly from discrete approximations of partial differential equations. To solve them, two types of methods are normally used: direct methods and iterative methods. Directapproximate the solution after a finite number of floating point operations. Since computer floating point operations can only be obtained to a given precision, the computed solution is usually different from the exact solution. When a square matrix A is large and sparse, solving Ax = c by direct methods can be impractical, and iterative methods become a viable alternative. Iterative methods, based on splitting A into A = M−N, compute successive approximations x(t) to obtain more accurate solutions to a linear system at each iteration step t. This process can be written in the form of the matrix equation x(t) = Gx(t−1) + g, where an n Ãâ€" n matrix G = M−1N is the iteration matrix. The iteration process is stopped when some predefined criterion is satisfied; the obtained vector x(t) is an approximation to the solution. Iterative methods of this form are called linear stationary iterative methods of the first degree. The method is of the first degree because x(t) depends explicitly only on x(t−1) and not on x(t−2), . . . , x(0). The method is linear because neither G nor g depends on x(t−1), and it is stationary because neither G nor g depends on t. In this book, we also consider linear stationary iterative methods of the second degree, represented by the matrix equation x(t) = Mx(t−1) − Nx(t−2) + h. HISTORY OF DIRECT AND ITERATIVE METHOD Ø Direct methods to solve linear systems Direct methods for solving the linear systems with the Gauss elimination method is given byCarl Friedrich Gauss (1777-1855). Thereafter the Choleski gives method for symmetric positive definite matrices. Ø Iterative methods for non-linear equations The Newton_Raphson method is an iterative method to solve nonlinear equations. The method is defined byIsaac Newton (1643-1727)andJoseph Raphson (1648-1715). Ø Iterative methods for linear equations The standard iterative methods, which are used are the Gauss-Jacobi and the Gauss-Seidel method.Carl Friedrich Gauss (1777-1855)is a very famous mathematician working on abstract and applied mathematics.Carl Gustav Jacob Jacobi (1804-1851)is well known for instance for the Jacobian the determinant of the matrix of partial derivatives. He has also done work on iterative methods leading to the Gauss-Jacobi method. Another iterative method is the Chebyshev method. This method is based on orthogonal polynomials bearing the name ofPafnuty Lvovich Chebyshev (1821-1894). The Gauss-Jacobi and Gauss-Seidel method use a very simple polynomial to approximate the solution. In the Chebyshev method an optimal polynomial is used. DIRECT AND ITERATIVE METHOD Direct methods compute the solution to a problem in a finite number of steps. These methods would give the precise answer if they were performed ininfinite precision arithmetic. Examples includeGaussian elimination, theQRfactorization method for solvingsystems of linear equations, and thesimplex methodoflinear programming. In contrast to direct methods,iterative methodsare not expected to terminate in a number of steps. Starting from an initial guess, iterative methods form successive approximations thatconvergeto the exact solution only in the limit. Aconvergence criterionis specified in order to decide when a sufficiently accurate solution has (hopefully) been found. Even using infinite precision arithmetic these methods would not reach the solution within a finite number of steps (in general). Examples includeNewtons method, thebisection method, andJacobi iteration. In computational matrix algebra, iterative methods are generally needed for large problems. Iterative methods are more common than direct methods in numerical analysis. Some methods are direct in principle but are usually used as though they were not, e.g.GMRESand theconjugate gradient method. For these methods the number of steps needed to obtain the exact solution is so large that an approximation is accepted in the same manner as for an iterative method. In the case of asystem of linear equations, the two main classes of iterative methods are thestationary iterative methods, and the more generalKrylov subspacemethods. Ø Stationary iterative methods Stationary iterative methods solve a linear system with anoperatorapproximating the original one; and based on a measurement of the error (the residual), form acorrection equationfor which this process is repeated. While these methods are simple to derive, implement, and analyse, convergence is only guaranteed for a limited class of matrices. Examples of stationary iterative methods are theJacobi method,Gauss–Seidel methodand theSuccessive over-relaxation method. Ø Krylov subspace methods Krylov subspacemethods form anorthogonal basisof the sequence of successive matrix powers times the initial residual (theKrylov sequence). The approximations to the solution are then formed by minimizing the residual over the subspace formed. The prototypical method is theconjugate gradient method(CG). Other methods are the generalized minimal residual method and the biconjugate gradient method EXAMPLE OF DIRECT METHOD GAUSS ELIMINATION METHOD :- Inlinear algebra,Gaussian eliminationmethod is analgorithmfor solvingsystems of linear equations, finding therankof amatrix, and calculating the inverse of aninvertible square matrix. Gaussian elimination is named after German mathematician and scientistCarl Friedrich Gauss. Elementary row operationsare used to reduce a matrix torow echelon form.Gauss–Jordan elimination, an extension of this algorithm, reduces the matrix further toreduced row echelon form. Gaussian elimination alone is sufficient for many applications. EXAMPLE Suppose that our goal is to find and describe the solution(s), if any, of the followingsystem of linear equations: The algorithm is as follows :eliminate x from all equations below L1 and then eliminate y from all equations below L2 .This will form a triangular form.Using the back substitution Each unknown can be solved . In the example, x is eliminated from l2 by adding 3/2L1to L2. X is then eliminatedmfrom L3 by adding L1 to L3 The result is: Nowyis eliminated fromL3by adding− 4L2toL3: The result is: This result is a system of linear equations in triangular form, and so the first part of the algorithm is complete.The second part, back-substitution, consists of solving for the unknowns in reverse order. It can be seen that Then,zcan be substituted intoL2, which can then be solved to obtain Next,zandycan be substituted intoL1, which can be solved to obtain The system is solved. Some systems cannot be reduced to triangular form, yet still have at least one valid solution: for example, ifyhad not occurred inL2andL3after the first step above, the algorithm would be unable to reduce the system to triangular form. However, it would still have reduced the system toechelon form. In this case, the system does not have a unique solution, as it contains at least onefree variable. The solution set can then be expressed parametrically . In practice, one does not usually deal with the systems in terms of equations but instead makes use of theaugmented matrix(which is also suitable for computer manipulations). The Gaussian Elimination algorithm applied to theaugmented matrixof the system above, beginning with:which, at the end of the first part of the algorithm That is, it is inrow echelon form. At the end of the algorithm, if theGauss–Jordan eliminationis applied: That is, it is inreduced row echelon form, or row canonical form. EXAMPLE OF ITERATIVE METHOD OF SOLUTION A. JACOB METHOD :- The Jacobi method is a method of solving amatrix equationon a matrix that has no zeros along its main diagonal (Bronshtein and Semendyayev 1997, p.892). Each diagonal element is solved for, and an approximate value taken in. The process is then iterated until it converges. This algorithm is a stripped-down version of theJacobi transformationmethod ofmatrix diagonalization. The Jacobi method is easily derived by examining each of the equations in thelinear system of equationsAx=b in isolation. If, in theith equation solve for the value ofwhile assuming the other entries ofremain fixed. This gives which is the Jacobi method. In this method, the order in which the equations are examined is irrelevant, since the Jacobi method treats them independently. The definition of the Jacobi method can be expressed withmatricesas B. Stationary Iterative Methods Iterative methods that can be expressed in the simple form Where neighter B nor c depend upon the iterative count k) are called stationary iterative method. The four main stationary iterative method : the Jacobi method, the Gauss Seidel method ,Successive Overrelaxation method and the symmetric Successive Overrelaxation method C. The Gauss-Seidel Method We are considering an iterative solution to the linear system where is ansparse matrix,xandbare vectors of lengthn, and we are solving forx. Iterative solvers are an alternative to direct methods that attempt to calculate an exact solution to the system of equations. Iterative methods attempt to find a solution to the system of linear equations by repeatedly solving the linear system using approximations to the vector. Iterations continue until the solution is within a predetermined acceptable bound on the error. Iterative methods for general matrices include the Gauss-Jacobi and Gauss-Seidel, while conjugate gradient methods exist for positive definite matrices. Use of iterative methods is the convergence of the technique. Gauss-Jacobi uses all values from the previous iteration, while Gauss-Seidel requires that the most recent values be used in calculations. The Gauss-Seidel method has better convergence than the Gauss-Jacobi method, although for dense matrices, the Gauss-Seidel method is sequential. The convergence of the iterative method must be examined for the application along with algorithm performance to ensure that a useful solution to can be found. The Gauss-Seidel method can be written as: where: ¯ is theunknown in during theiteration,and, is the initial guess for theunknown in, is the coefficient ofin therow andcolumn, is thevalue in. or where: ¯ K(k)is theiterative solution to is the initial guess atx Dis the diagonal ofA Lis the of strictly lower triangular portion ofA Uis the of strictly upper triangular portion ofA bis right-hand-side vector. EXAMPLE. 101−x2+ 23= 6, −x1+ 112−x3+ 34= 25, 21−x2+ 103−x4= − 11, 32−x3+ 84= 15. Solving forx1,x2,x3andx4gives: x1=x2/ 10 −x3/ 5 + 3 / 5, x2=x1/ 11 +x3/ 11 − 34/ 11 + 25 / 11, x3= −x1/ 5 +x2/ 10 +x4/ 10 − 11 / 10, x4= − 32/ 8 +x3/ 8 + 15 / 8 Suppose we choose(0,0,0,0)as the initial approximation, then the first approximate solution is given by x1= 3 / 5 = 0.6, x2= (3 / 5) / 11 + 25 / 11 = 3 / 55 + 25 / 11 = 2.3272, x3= − (3 / 5) / 5 + (2.3272) / 10 − 11 / 10 = − 3 / 25 + 0.23272 − 1.1 = − 0.9873, x4= − 3(2.3272) / 8 + ( − 0.9873) / 8 + 15 / 8 = 0.8789. x1 x2 x3 x4 0.6 2.32727 − 0.987273 0.878864 1.03018 2.03694 − 1.01446 0.984341 1.00659 2.00356 − 1.00253 0.998351 1.00086 2.0003 − 1.00031 0.99985 The exact solution of the system is (1,2,-1,1) APPLICATION OF DIRECT AND ITERATIVE METHOD OF SOLUTION FRACTIONAL SPLITING METHOD OF FIRST ORDER FOR LINEAR EQUATION First we describe the simplest operator-splitting, which is calledsequential operator-splitting, for the following linear system of ordinary differential equations:(3.1)where the initial condition is. The operators and are linear and bounded operators in a Banach space The sequential operator-splitting method is introduced as a method that solves two subproblems sequentially, where the different subproblems are connected via the initial conditions. This means that we replace the original problem with the subproblemswhere the splitting time-step is defined as. The approximated solution is. The replacement of the original problem with the subproblems usually results in an error, calledsplitting error. The splitting error of the sequential operator-splitting method can be derived as whereis the commutator ofAandB The splitting error iswhen the operatorsA andB do not commute, otherwise the method is exact. Hence the sequential operator-splitting is called thefirst-order splitting method. THE ITERATIVE SPLITING The following algorithm is based on the iteration with fixed splitting discretization step-size. On the time intervalwe solve the following subproblems consecutively for:(4.1)where is the known split approximation at the time level. We can generalize the iterative splitting method to a multi-iterative splitting method by introducing new splitting operators, for example, spatial operators. Then we obtain multi-indices to control the splitting process; each iterative splitting method can be solved independently, while connecting with further steps to the multi-splitting method

Conrad: Blatant Racist Or Political Satirist? Essay -- Conrad Racism E

Conrad: Blatant Racist Or Political Satirist? There have been many critics, predominantly Chinua Achebe, that have cast a cloak of racism upon the back of Joseph Conrad. Those authors base these allegations upon the novel Heart of Darkness, calling it a vile and most ungodly novel that only seeks to set the black race as a footstool of the white race. However, one must realize that there is a much deeper meaning to the novel than that of blatant racism. It is, in fact, a connection with the past that shows both the mindset, as well as the ignorance, of those who colonized Africa in the late nineteenth century. The entire novel is a boxed narrative, thus we can see into what the storyteller truly feels about his own experience rather than an third person analysis of what the protagonist does. In this case, Charlie Marlow retells his story of how he encountered a force that could only be described as â€Å"The horror, the horror.† It is, indeed, a catharsis of sorts, but not only from Marlow, but for Conrad as well. After all, Conrad did partake in such an adventure as this before he became an author, therefore the reader must comprehend that these words are not only of the protagonist, if Marlow can be truly called that, but also of Conrad. The first example of Marlow’s opinion towards colonial Africa occurs when his ship passes a French man of war. The man of war is shelling the coast because the men claim there were â€Å"enemies† in the bushes. The ideals of the Company were geared more towards the pacification of the tribes as well as good commerce with them, yet in the midst of this goodwill, a war ship has come to â€Å"pacify† the natives. Conrad indicates a type of doublespeak within the doctrine of the Company for which Marlow works. The actions of imperialism that existed in the nineteenth century are more in tune what Marlow sees, rather than the doctrine of civilizing the tribes that he has heard. In this act, Conrad does display his satirical capabilities by showing the hypocritical mindset of Europe that existed through the span of more than 400 years. Perhaps the most recognized point of imperialism in the book is when Marlow reaches the Outer Station. He is surrounded by the natives who have been enlisted as slave labor. Around him are great holes, filled with broken machinery. This appears as â€Å"some inferno† to him, yet he soon comes face to f... ...ould have secretly longed to be a part of this world, this jungle, yet the bonds of imperialism and the promise of fortune have a yoke about his neck. Conrad was a master of prose as many critics admitted, even those who proclaimed him a racist. The writing of Heart of Darkness was not only to show the potential of what man could become, but what he already was. Marlow is the everyday man, longing to become something that he cannot even fathom. Kurtz was the ideal man that Marlow, or any man for that matter, longed to become. Kurtz was tormented in his last days because he saw the evil that was in European trade and imperialism. In this, he finds a reassuring simplicity in the ways of the natives. Conrad conveys this theme to those who search for a quality that resides in all men, rather than seeking the errors of one group or person, which is what Achebe accused Conrad of doing as he portrayed the natives as â€Å"niggers† and â€Å"common savages.† The evils of society set in motion for what Conrad sought to banish from human thought. All men have the capacity to be evil or good, yet the one ideal that determines th is state of being is the realization of what good and evil truly are.

Comparing John Milton’s Paradise Lost to Pleasantville Essay -- Compar

Comparing John Milton’s Paradise Lost to Pleasantville I don’t know if I connected the experiential dots with any dexterity regarding John Milton’s Paradise Lost until I visited Disney World recently. It wasn’t until Mickey Mouse, Cinderella, Cruella De Vil, Jafar the evil sorcerer, the Beauty, and the Beast came down Main Street, U.S.A. that I was more able to appreciate the prodigiousness of the procreative masque within Paradise Lost. Panorama grabs the viewer; and, with a mere touch of the remote control, it thrusts him/her into Eden, Main Street, or Pleasantville. Panorama doesn’t settle for facile spectatorship; it invites the viewer into the action and synchronizes the viewer’s pulse with the pulse of its [panorama’s] own creative slide show. To ignore that invite is to not only avoid the tree of knowledge, but to refuse its existence. That tree was not put in the garden to be ignored but to be avoided – a challenge of our obedience towards a sovereign, a tempter of our curiosi ty, a pulse quickener. And so we sat there in the cool of the shade from our own tree, askance of Main Street but within reach of the remote. We were just far enough away to observe the parade with condescension and just close enough to feel the discomfort of the sorcerer’s leer. First the big mouse, then the princess, then Goofy, then the sorcerer, then the beast – always the beast. I watched the 5-year-old near me and wondered if he felt like Adam may have felt on that lofty mount, as Michael revealed one dramatic historical upheaval after another. I was glad that I didn’t have to worry, didn’t have to get involved. I was happy to know that this bit of fancy was but a type of reality, scripted by that master of artifice, Walt Disne... ...ly â€Å"delivers† both of his worlds by becoming part of the panorama. He pushes the remote button and affects the circumspection of the real with the creativity of the fanciful. The real and the fanciful have an almost singular or codependent relationship with one another; neither can be ignored in attending to the health of the other. In Bud’s situation, the absenteeism of his corporeal nature is illumined by the activism of his panoramic experience. At the end of the movie â€Å"Pleasantville,† Bud is able to take a satisfying look into the television screen, the conduit for his panorama, and know that he was taken out of the shade and into the light. He risked joining the pageantry and ended up having a good day. Next time I’ll sit closer to the parade. Work Cited Milton, John. Paradise Lost. 1674. Ed. Scott Elledge. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1993.

African Transformation from 1865-1920

The Progression of African Americans from 1865 to 1920 America has changed, as a whole, throughout this time period. There have been many different presidents, elections, wars and other world issues. These factors contribute to the drastic change in America and to the American people. African Americans have gone through many different changes other than those of the other races. With the end of the Civil War, African Americans went through a lot of change with the end of slavery.Throughout this essay I will explain the legislature, economic, philosophies, leaders, movement of people and other factors that contributed to the drastic change of the African American people between 1865 to 1920. In 1865 Reconstruction stared after the end of the civil war. Even though President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, Slavery did not officially end until congress passed the 13th Amendment, which outlawed slavery. Freedmen were no allowed to be citizens until 1868 when congress passed the 14th amendment.The 14th amendment also allowed blacks the right to equal protection under the law. The first Supreme Court Interpretation of the 14th amendment was in the Slaughterhouse Case. This case extended the 14th amendment to all citizens. Even with the end of slavery and the right to citizenship, African Americans still didn’t have an easy life. With the end of slavery African Americans faced the issue of not being able to vote or in some not being allowed to own land.The Black codes, which laws were passed by state legislatures to suppress blacks and put them is form of slavery that was legal at the time. To fix the problem of blacks not being able to vote, congress passed the 15th amendment, which made it legal for blacks to vote. Even with the right to vote blacks were suppressed by and scared out of voting be the Klu Klux Klan which used tactics such a lynchings to scare blacks of voting. Ida B. Wells was a black journalist who exposed lynchings in the U. S.L iteracy test and poll taxes were also tactics used by white surprimisist to get blacks not to vote. Even with black codes and the KKK, this time period of Reconstruction was still a successful time for freedmen. They had three amendments passed in that addressed a few of the problems they faced. The blacks had come a long way from the end of the Civil War; they had gotten a lot of rights. Although they got many rights now they were at a large disadvantage to the whites. Blacks could not go to school because they had work or even were not allowed to go.Because of this disadvantage blacks could not get the same jobs as whites because they did not have the same education. There were two main leader of the movement to get blacks better education and jobs, but the two of them had completely different views of how to get what they wanted. The first was Booker T. Washington, who believed that blacks should not push for what they wanted and that they should prove their selves to get the sam e education and jobs as whites, this is also called gradualism. African Americans disliked this because they thought that their equalization was being put off.He believed that they should not rock the â€Å"Racial Boat†. The Second was W. E. B Dubois, who believed the exact opposite of Washington. He believed that the blacks could force the whites to give them what they wanted. He also believed that they should not what for the whites to give it to them he thought that blacks should push and force them to give it to them. Dubois also published the book of essays called The Souls of the Black Folks (1903). The blacks also ran out of labor in the South and choose to migrate to the North were there was an abundance of jobs.This sudden movement of blacks from the South to the North started the Great Black Migration. This era after reconstruction was a very successful time for freedmen and brought about great change not only in the lives of African Americans but also in the lives of all Americans. After slaves were free the US tried to start the Back to Africa Movement. This movement was brought about to try to get freedmen with African decent to go back to Africa and their homeland. For blacks that did not want to return to Africa there were very few options for them if they choose to stay.The first main problem was should they stay in the South or go somewhere else to find shelter and a job. The next problem was to find a job. To replace the slaves plantation owner implemented share cropping. Share cropping was a form of paid slavery that gave the families that choose to work on the plantation as share croppers a plot of land to farm and a place to live. The share croppers would give a large portion of what they had farmed to the owner of the land and they would get to keep a small amount of what they had harvested for themselves to live off of.For those who had joined the Union army during the Civil War, they had to try to get what they were promised whic h was forty acres of land and a mule to plow it. Though promise was rarely met this was an option for some freedmen who choose to stay in the U. S. To help freedmen get what they needed such a job, food, or education the Freedmen’s Bureau was started. This bureau was started to help get recently freed slaves on their feet after the Civil War. Former slaves had a hard time finding jobs but they did it anyway.During reconstruction the Southern Democrats wanted to get rid of the collation of Republicans that controlled the post war south. The Bourbon Democrats that want to oust this collation of freedmen, carpetbaggers, and scalawags were known as Redeemers. These Redeemers did not get their way until reconstruction ended in 1877. With the end of reconstruction man freedmen were scare by the rumor of the reinstitution of slavery and the fact that the leaders of the old south were back in control meant that discrimination would run rampant.With this in mind they fled to the north and west most settling in Kansas. These freedmen who fled were known as exodusters. The Democratic Party regained the political power of the South. This total political power of the Democratic Party was known as the Solid South. During the time period of the Solid South, blacks were greatly discriminated upon. Freedmen who held office during reconstruction were stripped of their political position. To suppress blacks, white surprimisist implemented Jim Crow laws.Jim Crow laws were a set of laws passed by state legislatures in witch in some cases pulled the African Americans Right to vote. The term Jim Crow comes from a show that was put on to show a stereotypical black. In this show whites would wear black and pain themselves and then act as they thought blacks were. They would act stupid and show the idea that blacks were not equal to whites. In most states a grandfather clause was put into the state constitution which stated that if your grandfather had voted before the civil war than you could vote even if you were illiterate.This clause was meant to keep blacks who could not pass the literacy test from voting and allowed for the whites who failed the literacy test a way to vote. Under the Jim Crow laws the thought of â€Å"Separate but Equal†. This basically meant that as long as the state gave blacks the same conditions as whites it was ok to segregate them. The first major time the idea of â€Å"Separate but Equal† was challenged was in the case of Plessey vs. Fergusion (1896). In this case Homer Plessey was accused of sitting in the whites’ only car of the East Louisiana Railroad y and refused to leave.Plessey was seven eighths white and one eighth black, an octoroon. Even though he was just on eighth African American he was still consider black by Louisiana law and thus required to sit in the colored car of the train. The courts stated that Louisiana could not regulate railroad that went between two or more states but that they co uld regulate railroads that were only within the state. Both the state and federal Supreme Courts ruled against Plessey. It was not until the ca of Brown vs. Board of Education (1954) the â€Å"Separate but Equal† would no longer be the law of the land.During this time of Separate but Equal the type of segregation that took place was de jure segregation which meant to be segregated by law. This differs from today in that even though the law does not permit segregation in still happens by custom which is de facto segregation. W. E. B. Dubois organized a group that meet on the Canadian side of Niagara Falls. Because they meet at Niagara Falls they came to be known as the Niagara Movement (1903). They meet to discuses to problems facing blacks on a political and social level. They also discussed ways to fix the problems that faced the blacks.This movement was made of only blacks. The Niagara Movement led to the creation of the NAACP, which was made up of both blacks and whites a nd also fought for the solutions to problems facing blacks and whites on a political and social level. The Niagara Movement was thought to be more radical than that of the NAACP. Booker T. Washington; the president of the Tuskegee Institute, the first all black collage; was the architect of the Atlanta Compromise which stated that blacks would work week in and week out and summit to white political rule in exchange for basic education and due process.W. E. B Dubois used the term the Talented Tenth to show the 1 out of 10 blacks who will rise to be a leader of his or her race. He argued that blacks needed a more classical education rather than a vocational or industrial education. Marcus Garvey was a Jamaican political leader that founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association, African Community League, and the Black Star Steamship Line. The Black Star Steamship Line was shipping line that was supposed to facilitate the transportation of goods and eventually African Americans th roughout the African global economy.The Black Star Steamship Line derived its name from the white star line which was a key factor to the success of the back to Africa movement. Garvey thought he could simulate the success of the White Star Line. The Universal Negro Improvement Association founded the newspaper Negro World which had a front page editorial from Garvey and poetry and articles of international interest of people of African Ancestor. These men and there association were civil rights leaders that shaped the African American world.

Minority Group and Multiculturalism Essay

Ideas about the legal and political accommodation of ethnic diversity — commonly termed â€Å"multiculturalism† — emerged in the West as a vehicle for replacing older forms of ethnic and racial hierarchy with new relations of democratic citizenship. Despite substantial evidence that these policies are making progress toward that goal, a chorus of political leaders has declared them a failure and heralded the death of multiculturalism. This popular master narrative is problematic because it mischaracterizes the nature of the experiments in multiculturalism that have been undertaken, exaggerates the extent to which they have been abandoned, and misidentifies not only the genuine difficulties and limitations they have encountered but the options for addressing these problems. Talk about the retreat from multiculturalism has obscured the fact that a form of multicultural integration remains a live option for Western democracies. This report challenges four powerful myths about multiculturalism. First, it disputes the caricature of multiculturalism as the uncritical celebration of diversity at the expense of addressing grave societal problems such as unemployment and social isolation. Instead it offers an account of multiculturalism as the pursuit of new relations of democratic citizenship, inspired and constrained by human-rights ideals. Second, it contests the idea that multiculturalism has been in wholesale retreat, and offers instead evidence that multiculturalism policies (MCPs) have persisted, and have even grown stronger, over the past ten years. Third, it challenges the idea that multiculturalism has failed, and offers instead evidence that MCPs have had positive effects. Fourth, it disputes the idea that the spread of civic integration policies has displaced multiculturalism or rendered it obsolete. The report instead offers evidence that MCPs are fully consistent with certain forms of civic integration policies, and that indeed the combination of multiculturalism with an â€Å"enabling† form of civic integration is both normatively desirable and empirically effective in at least some cases. To help address these issues, this paper draws upon the Multiculturalism Policy Index. This index 1) identifies eight concrete policy areas where liberal-democratic states — faced with a choice — decided to develop more multicultural forms of citizenship in relation to immigrant groups and 2) measures the extent to which countries have espoused some or all of these policies over time. While there have been some high-profile cases of retreat from MCPs, such as the Netherlands, the general pattern from 1980 to 2010 has been one of modest strengthening. Ironically, some countries that have been vociferous about multiculturalism’s â€Å"failure† (e. g. , Germany) have not actually practiced an active multicultural strategy. Talk about the retreat from multiculturalism has obscured the fact that a form of multicultural integration remains a live option for Western democracies. However, not all attempts to adopt new models of multicultural citizenship have taken root or succeeded in achieving their intended effects. There are several factors that can either facilitate or impede the successful implementation of multiculturalism: Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future 1 MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE Desecuritization of ethnic relations. Multiculturalism works best if relations between the state and minorities are seen as an issue of social policy, not as an issue of state security. If the state perceives immigrants to be a security threat (such as Arabs and Muslims after 9/11), support for multiculturalism will drop and the space for minorities to even voice multicultural claims will diminish. Human rights. Support for multiculturalism rests on the assumption that there is a shared commitment to human rights across ethnic and religious lines. If states perceive certain groups as unable or unwilling to respect human-rights norms, they are unlikely to accord them multicultural rights or resources. Much of the backlash against multiculturalism is fundamentally driven by anxieties about Muslims, in particular, and their perceived unwillingness to embrace liberal-democratic norms. Border control. Multiculturalism is more controversial when citizens fear they lack control over their borders — for instance when countries are faced with large numbers (or unexpected surges) of unauthorized immigrants or asylum seekers — than when citizens feel the borders are secure. Diversity of immigrant groups. Multiculturalism works best when it is genuinely multicultural — that is, when immigrants come from many source countries rather than coming overwhelmingly from just one (which is more likely to lead to polarized relations with the majority). Economic contributions. Support for multiculturalism depends on the perception that immigrants are holding up their end of the bargain and making a good-faith effort to contribute to society — particularly economically. When these facilitating conditions are present, multiculturalism can be seen as a low-risk option, and indeed seems to have worked well in such cases. Multiculturalism tends to lose support in high-risk situations where immigrants are seen as predominantly illegal, as potential carriers of illiberal practices or movements, or as net burdens on the welfare state. However, one could argue that rejecting immigrant multiculturalism under these circumstances is in fact the higher-risk move. It is precisely when immigrants are perceived as illegitimate, illiberal, and burdensome that multiculturalism may be most needed. I. Introduction Ideas about the legal and political accommodation of ethnic diversity have been in a state of flux around the world for the past 40 years. One hears much about the â€Å"rise and fall of multiculturalism. † Indeed, this has become a kind of master narrative, widely invoked by scholars, journalists, and policymakers alike to explain the evolution of contemporary debates about diversity. Although people disagree about what comes after multiculturalism, there is a surprising consensus that we are in a post-multicultural era. This report contends that this master narrative obscures as much as it reveals, and that we need an alternative framework for thinking about the choices we face. Multiculturalism’s successes and failures, as well as its level of public acceptance, have depended on the nature of the issues at stake and the countries involved, and we need to understand these variations if we are to identify a more sustainable model for accommodating diversity. This paper will argue that the master narrative 1) mischaracterizes the nature of the experiments in multiculturalism that have been undertaken, 2) exaggerates the extent to which they have been abandoned, and 3) misidentifies the genuine difficulties and limitations they have encountered and the options for addressing these problems. 2 Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE Before we can decide whether to celebrate or lament the fall of multiculturalism, we need first to make sure we know what multiculturalism has meant both in theory and in practice, where it has succeeded or failed to meet its objectives, and under what conditions it is likely to thrive in the future. The Rise and Fall of Multiculturalism The master narrative of the â€Å"rise and fall of multiculturalism† helpfully captures important features of our current debates. Yet in some respects it is misleading, and may obscure the real challenges and opportunities we face. In its simplest form, the master narrative goes like this:1 Since the mid-1990s †¦ we have seen a backlash and retreat from multiculturalism. From the 1970s to mid-1990s, there was a clear trend across Western democracies toward the increased recognition and accommodation of diversity through a range of multiculturalism policies (MCPs) and minority rights. These policies were endorsed both at the domestic level in some states and by international organizations, and involved a rejection of earlier ideas of unitary and homogeneous nationhood. Since the mid-1990s, however, we have seen a backlash and retreat from multiculturalism, and a reassertion of ideas of nation building, common values and identity, and unitary citizenship — even a call for the â€Å"return of assimilation. † This retreat is partly driven by fears among the majority group that the accommodation of diversity has â€Å"gone too far† and is threatening their way of life. This fear often expresses itself in the rise of nativist and populist right-wing political movements, such as the Danish People’s Party, defending old ideas of â€Å"Denmark for the Danish. † But the retreat also reflects a belief among the center-left that multiculturalism has failed to help the intended beneficiaries — namely, minorities themselves — because it has failed to address the underlying sources of their social, economic, and political exclusion and may have unintentionally contributed to their social isolation. As a result, even the center-left political movements that initially championed multiculturalism, such as the social democratic parties in Europe, have backed 1 For influential academic statements of this â€Å"rise and fall† narrative, claiming that it applies across the Western democracies, see Rogers Brubaker, â€Å"The Return of Assimilation? † Ethnic and Racial Studies 24, no. 4 (2001): 531–48; and Christian Joppke, â€Å"The Retreat of Multiculturalism in the Liberal State: Theory and Policy,† British Journal of Sociology 55, no. 2 (2004): 237–57. There are also many accounts of the â€Å"decline,† â€Å"retreat,† or â€Å"crisis† of multiculturalism in particular countries. For the Netherlands, see Han Entzinger, â€Å"The Rise and Fall of Multiculturalism in the Netherlands,† in Toward Assimilation and Citizenship: Immigrants in Liberal Nation-States, eds. Christian Joppke and Ewa Morawska (London: Palgrave, 2003) and Ruud Koopmans, â€Å"Trade-Offs between Equality and Difference: The Crisis of Dutch Multiculturalism in Cross-National Perspective† (Brief, Danish Institute for International Studies, Copenhagen, December 2006). For Britain, see Randall Hansen, â€Å"Diversity, Integration and the Turn from Multiculturalism in the United Kingdom,† in Belonging? Diversity, Recognition and Shared Citizenship in Canada, eds. Keith G. Banting, Thomas J. Courchene, and F. Leslie Seidle (Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 2007); Les Back, Michael Keith, Azra Khan, Kalbir Shukra, and John Solomos, â€Å"New Labour’s White Heart: Politics, Multiculturalism and the Return of Assimilation,† Political Quarterly 73, No. 4 (2002): 445–54; Steven Vertovec, â€Å"Towards post-multiculturalism? Changing communities, conditions and contexts of diversity,† International Social Science Journal 61 (2010): 83–95. For Australia, see Ien Ang and John Stratton, â€Å"Multiculturalism in Crisis: The New Politics of Race and National Identity in Australia,† in On Not Speaking Chinese: Living Between Asia and the West, ed. I. Ang (London: Routledge, 2001). For Canada, see Lloyd Wong, Joseph Garcea, and Anna Kirova, An Analysis of the ‘Anti- and Post-Multiculturalism’ Discourses: The Fragmentation Position (Alberta: Prairie Centre for Excellence in Research on Immigration and Integration, 2005), http://pmc.metropolis. Net/Virtual%20Library/FinalReports/Post-multi%20FINAL%20REPORT%20for%20PCERII%20_2_. pdf. For a good overview of the backlash discourse in various countries, see Steven Vertovec and Susan Wessendorf, eds. , The Multiculturalism Backlash: European Discourses, Policies and Practices (London: Routledge, 2010). Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future 3 MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE away from it and shifted to a discourse that emphasizes â€Å"civic integration,† â€Å"social cohesion,† â€Å"common values,† and â€Å"shared citizenship. †2 The social-democratic discourse of civic integration differs from the radical-right discourse in emphasizing the need to develop a more inclusive national identity and to fight racism and discrimination, but it nonetheless distances itself from the rhetoric and policies of multiculturalism. The term postmulticulturalism has often been invoked to signal this new approach, which seeks to overcome the limits of a naive or misguided multiculturalism while avoiding the oppressive reassertion of homogenizing nationalist ideologies. 3 II. What Is Multiculturalism? A. Misleading Model In much of the post-multiculturalist literature, multiculturalism is characterized as a feel-good celebration of ethnocultural diversity, encouraging citizens to acknowledge and embrace the panoply of customs, traditions, music, and cuisine that exist in a multiethnic society. Yasmin Alibhai-Brown calls this the â€Å"3S† model of multiculturalism in Britain — saris, samosas, and steeldrums. 4. Multiculturalism takes these familiar cultural markers of ethnic groups — clothing, cuisine, and music — and treats them as authentic practices to be preserved by their members and safely consumed by others. Under the banner of multiculturalism they are taught in school, performed in festivals, displayed in media and museums, and so on. This celebratory model of multiculturalism has been the focus of many critiques, including the following: It ignores issues of economic and political inequality. Even if all Britons come to enjoy Jamaican steeldrum music or Indian samosas, this would do nothing to address the real problems facing Caribbean and South Asian communities in Britain — problems of unemployment, poor educational outcomes, residential segregation, poor English language skills, and political marginalization. These economic and political issues cannot be solved simply by celebrating cultural differences. Even with respect to the (legitimate) goal of promoting greater understanding of cultural differences, the focus on celebrating â€Å"authentic† cultural practices that are â€Å"unique† to each group is potentially dangerous. First, not all customs that may be traditionally practiced within a particular group are worthy of being celebrated, or even of being legally tolerated, such as forced marriage. To avoid stirring up controversy, there’s a tendency to choose as the focus of multicultural celebrations safely inoffensive practices — such as cuisine or music — that can be enjoyably consumed by members of the larger society. But this runs the opposite risk 2. For an overview of the attitudes of European social democratic parties to these issues, see Rene Cuperus, Karl Duffek, and Johannes Kandel, eds. , The Challenge of Diversity: European Social Democracy Facing Migration, Integration and Multiculturalism (Innsbruck: Studien Verlag, 2003). For references to â€Å"post-multiculturalism† by progressive intellectuals, who distinguish it from the radical right’s â€Å"antimulticulturalism,† see, regarding the United Kingdom, Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, After Multiculturalism (London: Foreign Policy Centre, 2000), and â€Å"Beyond Multiculturalism,† Canadian Diversity/Diversite Canadienne 3, no. 2 (2004): 51–4; regarding Australia, James Jupp, From White Australia to Woomera: The Story of Australian Immigration, 2nd edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); and regarding the United States, Desmond King, The Liberty of Strangers: Making the American Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), and David A. Hollinger, Post-ethnic America: Beyond Multiculturalism, revised edition (New York: Basic Books, 2006). Alibhai-Brown, After Multiculturalism. 3 4 4 Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE of the trivialization or Disneyfication of cultural differences,5 ignoring the real challenges that differences in cultural and religious values can raise. Third, the 3S model of multiculturalism can encourage a conception of groups as hermetically sealed and static, each reproducing its own distinct practices. Multiculturalism may be intended to encourage people to share their customs, but the assumption that each group has its own distinctive customs ignores processes of cultural adaptation, mixing, and melange, as well as emerging cultural commonalities, thereby potentially reinforcing perceptions of minorities as eternally â€Å"other. † This in turn can lead to the strengthening of prejudice and stereotyping, and more generally to the polarization of ethnic relations. Fourth, this model can end up reinforcing power inequalities and cultural restrictions within minority groups. In deciding which traditions are â€Å"authentic,† and how to interpret and display them, the state generally consults the traditional elites within the group — typically older males — while ignoring the way these traditional practices (and traditional elites) are often challenged by internal reformers, who have different views about how, say, a â€Å"good Muslim† should act. It can therefore imprison people in â€Å"cultural scripts† that they are not allowed to question or dispute. According to post-multiculturalists, the growing recognition of these flaws underlies the retreat from multiculturalism and signals the search for new models of citizenship that emphasize 1) political participation and economic opportunities over the symbolic politics of cultural recognition, 2) human rights and individual freedom over respect for cultural traditions, 3) the building of inclusive national identities over the recognition of ancestral cultural identities, and 4) cultural change and cultural mixing over the reification of static cultural differences. This narrative about the rise and fall of 3S multiculturalism will no doubt be familiar to many readers. In my view, however, it is inaccurate. Not only is it a caricature of the reality of multiculturalism as it has developed over the past 40 years in the Western democracies, but it is a distraction from the real issues that we need to face. The 3S model captures something important about natural human tendencies to simplify ethnic differences, and about the logic of global capitalism to sell cosmopolitan cultural products, but it does not capture the nature of post-1960s government MCPs, which have had more complex historical sources and political goals. B. Multiculturalism in Context It is important to put multiculturalism in its historical context. In one sense, it is as old as humanity — different cultures have always found ways of coexisting, and respect for diversity was a familiar feature of many historic empires, such as the Ottoman Empire. But the sort of multiculturalism that is said to have had a â€Å"rise and fall† is a more specific historic phenomenon, emerging first in the Western democracies in the late 1960s. This timing is important, for it helps us situate multiculturalism in relation to larger social transformations of the postwar era. More specifically, multiculturalism is part of a larger human-rights revolution involving ethnic and racial diversity. Prior to World War II, ethnocultural and religious diversity in the West was characterized by a range of illiberal and undemocratic relationships of hierarchy,6 justified by racialist ideologies that explicitly propounded the superiority of some peoples and cultures and their right to rule over others. These ideologies were widely accepted throughout the Western world and underpinned both domestic laws (e. g. , racially biased immigration and citizenship policies) and foreign policies (e. g. , in relation to overseas colonies). 5 6 Neil Bissoondath, Selling Illusions: The Cult of Multiculturalism in Canada. (Toronto: Penguin, 1994). Including relations of conqueror and conquered, colonizer and colonized, master and slave, settler and indigenous, racialized and unmarked, normalized and deviant, orthodox and heretic, civilized and primitive, and ally and enemy. Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future 5 MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE After World War II, however, the world recoiled against Hitler’s fanatical and murderous use of such ideologies, and the United Nations decisively repudiated them in favor of a new ideology of the equality of races and peoples. And this new assumption of human equality generated a series of political movements designed to contest the lingering presence or enduring effects of older hierarchies. We can distinguish three â€Å"waves† of such movements: 1) the struggle for decolonization, concentrated in the period 1948–65; 2) the struggle against racial segregation and discrimination, initiated and exemplified by the AfricanAmerican civil-rights movement from 1955 to 1965; and 3) the struggle for multiculturalism and minority rights, which emerged in the late 1960s. Multiculturalism is part of a larger human-rights revolution involving ethnic and racial diversity. Each of these movements draws upon the human-rights revolution, and its foundational ideology of the equality of races and peoples, to challenge the legacies of earlier ethnic and racial hierarchies. Indeed, the human-rights revolution plays a double role here, not just as the inspiration for a struggle, but also as a constraint on the permissible goals and means of that struggle. Insofar as historically excluded or stigmatized groups struggle against earlier hierarchies in the name of equality, they too have to renounce their own traditions of exclusion or oppression in the treatment of, say, women, gays, people of mixed race, religious dissenters, and so on. Human rights, and liberal-democratic constitutionalism more generally, provide the overarching framework within which these struggles are debated and addressed. Each of these movements, therefore, can be seen as contributing to a process of democratic â€Å"citizenization† — that is, turning the earlier catalog of hierarchical relations into relationships of liberaldemocratic citizenship. This entails transforming both the vertical relationships between minorities and the state and the horizontal relationships among the members of different groups. In the past, it was often assumed that the only way to engage in this process of citizenization was to impose a single undifferentiated model of citizenship on all individuals. But the ideas and policies of multiculturalism that emerged from the 1960s start from the assumption that this complex history inevitably and appropriately generates group-differentiated ethnopolitical claims. The key to citizenization is not to suppress these differential claims but to filter them through and frame them within the language of human rights, civil liberties, and democratic accountability. And this is what multiculturalist movements have aimed to do. The precise character of the resulting multicultural reforms varies from group to group, as befits the distinctive history that each has faced. They all start from the antidiscrimination principle that underpinned the second wave but go beyond it to challenge other forms of exclusion or stigmatization. In most Western countries, explicit state-sponsored discrimination against ethnic, racial, or religious minorities had largely ceased by the 1960s and 1970s, under the influence of the second wave of humanrights struggles. Yet ethnic and racial hierarchies persist in many societies, whether measured in terms of economic inequalities, political underrepresentation, social stigmatization, or cultural invisibility. Various forms of multiculturalism have been developed to help overcome these lingering inequalities. The focus in this report is on multiculturalism as it pertains to (permanently settled) immigrant groups,7 7 There was briefly in some European countries a form of â€Å"multiculturalism† that was not aimed at the inclusion of permanent immigrants, but rather at ensuring that temporary migrants would return to their country of origin. For example, mothertongue education in Germany was not initially introduced â€Å"as a minority right but in order to enable guest worker children to reintegrate in their countries of origin† (Karen Schonwalder, â€Å"Germany: Integration Policy and Pluralism in a Self-Conscious Country of Immigration,† in The Multiculturalism Backlash: European Discourses, Policies and Practices, eds. Steven Vertovec and Susanne Wessendorf [London: Routledge, 2010], 160). Needless to say, this sort of â€Å"returnist† multiculturalism — premised on the idea that migrants are foreigners who should return to their real home — has nothing to do with multiculturalism policies (MCPs) premised on the idea that immigrants belong in their host countries, and which aim to make immigrants 6 Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE but it is worth noting that struggles for multicultural citizenship have also emerged in relation to historic minorities and indigenous peoples. 8 C. The Evolution of Multiculturalism Policies. The case of immigrant multiculturalism is just one aspect of a larger â€Å"ethnic revival† across the Western democracies,9 in which different types of minorities have struggled for new forms of multicultural citizenship that combine both antidiscrimination measures and positive forms of recognition and accommodation. Multicultural citizenship for immigrant groups clearly does not involve the same types of claims as for indigenous peoples or national minorities: immigrant groups do not typically seek land rights, territorial autonomy, or official language status. What then is the substance of multicultural citizenship in relation to immigrant groups? The Multiculturalism Policy Index is one attempt to measure the evolution of MCPs in a standardized format that enables comparative research. 10 The index takes the following eight policies as the most common or emblematic forms of immigrant MCPs:11 Constitutional, legislative, or parliamentary affirmation of multiculturalism, at the central and/ or regional and municipal levels The adoption of multiculturalism in school curricula The inclusion of ethnic representation/sensitivity in the mandate of public media or media licensing Exemptions from dress codes, either by statute or by court cases Allowing of dual citizenship The funding of ethnic group organizations to support cultural activities The funding of bilingual education or mother-tongue instruction Affirmative action for disadvantaged immigrant groups12 feel more at home where they are. The focus of this paper is on the latter type of multiculturalism, which is centrally concerned with constructing new relations of citizenship. 8 In relation to indigenous peoples, for example — such as the Maori in New Zealand, Aboriginal peoples in Canada and Australia, American Indians, the Sami in Scandinavia, and the Inuit of Greenland — new models of multicultural citizenship have emerged since the late 1960s that include policies such as land rights, self-government rights, recognition of customary laws, and guarantees of political consultation. And in relation to substate national groups — such as the Basques and Catalans in Spain, Flemish and Walloons in Belgium, Scots and Welsh in Britain, Quebecois in Canada, Germans in South Tyrol, Swedish in Finland — we see new models of multicultural citizenship that include policies such as federal or quasi-federal territorial autonomy; official language status, either in the region or nationally; and guarantees of representation in the central government or on constitutional courts. 9. Anthony Smith, The Ethnic Revival in the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981). 10 Keith Banting and I developed this index, first published in Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka, eds. , Multiculturalism and the Welfare State: Recognition and Redistribution in Contemporary Democracies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). Many of the ideas discussed in this paper are the result of our collaboration. 11 As with all cross-national indices, there is a trade-off between standardization and sensitivity to local nuances. There is no universally accepted definition of multiculturalism policies and no hard and fast line that would sharply distinguish MCPs from closely related policy fields, such as antidiscrimination policies, citizenship policies, and integration policies. Different countries (or indeed different actors within a single country) are likely to draw this line in different places, and any list is therefore likely to be controversial. 12 For a fuller description of these policies, and the justification for including them in the Multiculturalism Policy Index, see the index website, www.queensu. ca/mcp. The site also includes our separate index of MCPs for indigenous peoples and for national minorities. Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future 7 MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE Other policies could be added (or subtracted) from the index, but there was a recognizable â€Å"multiculturalist turn† across Western democracies in the last few decades of the 20th century, and we can identify a range of public policies that are seen, by both critics and defenders, as emblematic of this turn. Each of the eight policy indicators listed above is intended to capture a policy dimension where liberaldemocratic states faced a choice about whether or not to take a multicultural turn and to develop more multicultural forms of citizenship in relation to immigrant groups. While multiculturalism for immigrant groups clearly differs in substance from that for indigenous peoples or national minorities, each policy has been defended as a means to overcome the legacies of earlier hierarchies and to help build fairer and more inclusive democratic societies. Therefore, multiculturalism is first and foremost about developing new models of democratic citizenship, grounded in human-rights ideals, to replace earlier uncivil and undemocratic relations of hierarchy and exclusion. Needless to say, this account of multiculturalism-as-citizenization differs dramatically from the 3S account of multiculturalism as the celebration of static cultural differences. Whereas the 3S account says that multiculturalism is about displaying and consuming differences in cuisine, clothing, and music, while neglecting issues of political and economic inequality, the citizenization account says that multiculturalism is precisely about constructing new civic and political relations to overcome the deeply entrenched inequalities that have persisted after the abolition of formal discrimination. It is important to determine which of these accounts more accurately describes the Western experience with multiculturalism. Before we can decide whether to celebrate or lament the fall of multiculturalism, we first need to make sure we know what multiculturalism has in fact been. The 3S account is misleading for three principal reasons. 13 Multiculturalism is first and foremost about developing new models of democratic citizenship, grounded in human-rights ideals. First, the claim that multiculturalism is solely or primarily about symbolic cultural politics depends on a misreading of the actual policies. Whether we look at indigenous peoples, national minorities, or immigrant groups, it is immediately apparent that MCPs combine economic, political, social, and cultural dimensions. While minorities are (rightly) concerned to contest the historic stigmatization of their cultures, immigrant multiculturalism also includes policies that are concerned with access to political power and economic opportunities — for example, policies of affirmative action, mechanisms of political consultation, funding for ethnic self-organization, and facilitated access to citizenship. In relation all three types of groups, MCPs combine cultural recognition, economic redistribution, and political participation. Second, the claim that multiculturalism ignores the importance of universal human rights is equally misplaced. On the contrary, as we’ve seen, multiculturalism is itself a human-rights-based movement, inspired and constrained by principles of human rights and liberal-democratic constitutionalism. Its goal is to challenge the traditional ethnic and racial hierarchies that have been discredited by the postwar human-rights revolution. Understood in this way, multiculturalism-as-citizenization offers no support for accommodating the illiberal cultural practices within minority groups that have also The same human-righ.